Masterarbeit, 2008, 160 Seiten
TABLE OF ILLUSTRATIONS
OVERVIEW OF CHAPTERS
Professional Identities in a Creative Industry
Organisational Culture or Organisational Control?
Identity as a Social Construction
METHODOLOGY AND EPISTEMOLOGY
Role of the Researcher
Nature ofthe Data
Case Study Approach
Narratives and Stories
Introductionto Organisation B
Semi-structured, in-depth interviews
Data Analysis Technique
Limitations of methods
Let's Get Our Story Right
Characters Sitting Upstairs and Downstairs
Setting the Stage
Data Analysis- The Plot
Pulling the Stories Together
"It's a very, very flat pyramid"
"A Very distinctive culture and We builtthat culture"
"We have actively created a group of people..."
My narration of the Story of B
Implications of Research
For Literature on Organisational Culture and Identity
For Literature on Advertising
For Professionals in Advertising
Synopsis of Findings
Limitations of the research
Illustration 1: Sample Rich picture provided to participants
Illustration 2: Samplesofsymbols providedto participants
Interview Schedule: For Long Semi-Structured Interview
Information Handout for Rich Pictures
The purpose of this research is to concentrate on aspects of organisation culture in an advertising agency and how they help us in understanding professional tensions and conflicts. To do so I have looked within advertising agencies and endeavoured to understand their organisational dynamics
Advertising business is known for stress and tension (Koverand Goldberg, 1995). From the tension of 'pitching'1 for a client to the development of an advert, the agency goes through a variety of stages where conflict, stress, internal politics and tension influence the outcome. One such tension which this research attempts to understand is the ongoing professional tussle between the creative division of an advertising agencyand management
This tension between the two bodies has been studied by advertising research however these studies have only attempted to describe the conflicts that exist as well as suggest what the advertising industry can do in an attempt to tackle these scenarios. Alternatively this research applies concepts of Organisational Behaviour (OB) such as culture and identity to grasp the reasons behind this professional tension. It also recognises a strong link between identity and culture. Therefore the research challenges the common view of organisational culture, that is, it portrays culture as a form of normative control unlike the conventional notion of culture as the means of unison and conformity without resistance within an organisation. This approach will examine what role culture plays in the professional lives of an advertising agency
To analyse the role of culture as a form of control I developed a methodology that targets multiple facets of organisational culture. This research is based on a case study of an Aotearoa, New Zealand based advertising agency (pseudonym Organisation B). It involved the use of various research approaches including story or narrative analysis and rich pictures to capture the core assumptions, values and beliefs that sometimes surfaced as resistance within this agency
As a result of completing this case study I achieved some understanding of reasons that may trigger tension within an agency. I learnt of the normative and bureaucratic forms of controls used within this contemporary organisation and the rationale behind their development which I have referred to as the overarching story of Organisation B. This research also provides a new dimension to advertising research by focusing on the role of organisational culture and identity in fostering professional conflicts within an agency
This research has emphasized the role of organisational culture as a control mechanism for those in management positions. In this particular agency this is achieved via the development of a 'laid back' and 'casual' culture which is carefully designed by the owners of the business thus providing them an opportunity to curtail any resistance originating within the culture. Nevertheless, members of this agency continue to channel their resistance by striving towards the ideal creative identity. The implications ofthe findings to the larger advertising industry suggest that:
i)Growing advertising agencies need to consider fractional views embedded in their organisational structures and realise that cultural change does not happen in isolation.
ii)The research also proposes that having a strong culture is not synonymous to success and unity among a workforce. iii) There is a need to maintain a balance between creativity and strategic planning, as they are both crucial in an advertising industry.
This thesis has been a long emotional journey for me, yet so fulfilling. However, it could never have reached a successful end without the support, love and encouragement of those who have affected my life and have always been there for me. For these reasons I would firstly like to thank Maa and Baba who made me a strong independent woman and without whom I would not be here in New Zealand. I would also, so lovingly, like to thank my husband, Michael, whom I met during my thesis year, for his constant support and unconditional love. My sister and her family for all their affection throughout my study in New Zealand, sometimes even in the form of delicious chocolate packages! My colleagues and friends at RWW 301 who helped me argue and discuss ideas. I am also grateful to Sophia for her excellent support, both as a friend and an administrator
And last but never the least I would like to thank my exceptional and ever so encouraging supervisor Todd Bridgman, who aided me through this entire journey and assisted me in maintaining my 'bubble'. I can never thank him enough for his criticisms and for challenging my thoughts which not only increased my awareness, but helped me to fight through the tough questions and the many drafts
Diagram 1: Organisational Chart ofOrganisation B
Diagram 2: Overview of people and controls involved in developing an advert at Organisation B..
Figure 1: Clayton's Rich Picture showing management controls in Org. B
Figure 2: Mark's rich picture showing the domination of one department in Org.B
Figure 3: Jack's rich picture showing the constraints over creative teams
Figure 4: Rich picture by Nathan portraying the development and acceptance of an idea
Figure 5: Schien's model of the three layers of culture
Figure 6: Serena's rich picture showing a connection between interesting work and money
Switch on your television set and I can assure you that within the hour of your favourite soap opera your mind has been the target of various companies selling what they want you to buy through commercials. Ruby Wax's Commercial Breakdown, an interesting series on Prime Television, presents a selection of the world's weirdest and funniest television advertisements. Such advertisements are only on-air for few minutes but they are a mark of originality and creativity. They serve their purpose of leaving an impression on the consumers, thus in turn effectively serving the marketing strategies of the large and small corporations who develop, and sell products and services.
My research draws its inspiration from these commercials; it goes behind the scenes and explores the world of advertising. While looking at what goes into making these product- selling devices, it asks how does creativity and project management come together to form a marketing solution for the producer? The research draws on organisation studies literature and uses this knowledge to understand the people dimension of the advertising industry. It addresses the tension between the creative side of an advertising agency and its management who manage the projects as well as find the clients, whom are ofgreat value to the agency.
The theoretical inspiration is rooted in management literature that offers various dimensions to understanding and challenging organisations and their orthodox approaches. By this I mean that organisational studies assume a simplistic understanding of organisational processes, where, like in a science experiment, people can be manipulated and their behaviour can be calculated to achieve a norm. These studies eliminate the larger social, economical and historical influence over organisations. They treat organisations as machines therefore providing a causal, usually positive, relationship between strategy and results, thus undermining the complexity of motivation, group dynamics, culture and identity. Analysis of culture and identity in this research is done so to challenge the conservative view of organisations as neutral instruments where members share common goals, and where political activity and contested goals hinder the effectiveness of an organisation. What makes this study critical in nature is that it attempts to understand culture and identity as more than just binding forces in organisations; it assumes that culture and identity can also act as softer forms of control over behaviour, values and beliefs. Soft controls that target the belief system of an individual have social characteristics, for example, the removal of bureaucratic control but introduction of softer controls such as expectations and values of work.
Parker (2000) began his book Organisational Culture and Identity by asking "Do organisations shape the identities of their members? And if they do, can (and should) managers seek to influence these identities in order to manage more effectively?"(pg: 1). This question has provided me with the curiosity and zeal to investigate the dynamics of culture and identity in organisations, particularly in advertising agencies, and the role of culture in shaping those identities. The aspect that I find interesting about this question is it challenges the notion of individual identity; it has the potential to question the role of managers in influencing subordinates to supercede their individuality in order to follow a path that leads to the success of the organisation.
This research was a culmination of my academic interests and my personal experiences. My background has largely been in psychology, and I completed an honours programme in psychology for my undergraduate studies. Studying organisational behaviour in the third year of my undergraduate study I developed a keen interest in the human aspects in organisations. To further my interests I pursued the opportunity to study a Masters in Management Studies at Victoria University of Wellington. I was particularly attracted to the one year thesis project which was an opportunity for me to develop fascinating questions for research.
During the course of my first year study in Victoria University Wellington Management School I developed a deep curiosity in the dynamics of organisations, especially organisational culture. This was one phenomenon which remained a topic of discussion all throughout the papers I studied, such as strategic management and leadership. With the help of the school's management I was allowed to pursue a special topic; Culture in Organisations, which complemented the development of my research project.
In the process of pursuing my special topic, I reflected on my previous personal experiences with my friend who worked for an advertising agency. Her job profile in the agency was of a client service agent, which was a nexus between the client who approached the agency to develop commercials and those within the agency responsible for advert development. Her role was strenuous and she spoke a lot of clashes between team members and managers of various teams. One unique thing about her experience was that despite a stressful environment, the executives worked long tedious hours without complaints. This distinctive behaviour of her colleagues brought me to question, and further explore, the influences of organisational culture in advertising agencies.
My understanding of organisational behaviour concepts made me inquisitive about investigating literature around organisational culture which could be reflected on the dynamics of advertising agencies. In the process I came across advertising research literature which confirmed my assumptions about existing tensions between advertising professionals. Consequently, my experience and interest in the organisational culture and of advertising professionals allowed me to question the frameworks applied to study these phenomenas. I wanted to find out how these tensions had been studied earlier and what is it that previous advertising research has not considered in their investigations.
Therefore my research assesses the tension between advertising professionals through the lens of organisational culture and identity. Drawing my inspiration largely from the work of Anthony (1994) and Parker (2000), I was able to challenge the role of culture as a form of control in two aspects: firstly, how managers attempt to control their workforce through building a value system and secondly, how these control mechanisms are maintained in organisations. My research will attempt to provide an analysis of deep rooted assumptions and beliefs which form organisational culture. These assumptions answer the questions: who we are, what is our purpose in the organisation and what is our belief system? These assumptions guide actions and interactions within the organisation, and therefore it is important to study them with the anticipation that they may help explain the dynamics ofan advertising agency.
Before I discuss the focus of my thesis, it is important to provide a general mind map of what directions this thesis will take. For this purpose I provide a brief overview of all the chapters that follow.
The first chapter focuses on the theoretical foundations of the research. The literature review has been divided into three large sections which discuss relevant topics providing a framework to understand the dynamics of the organisation instudy. This literature is also the main source for developing a research gap for this study. The first section in the review introduces advertising research literature and explores the professional tension and issues between management and creatives referred to in recent advertising literature. The second section of the literature review examines concepts from organisational studies, in particular, organisational culture. Here, the literature questions the role of culture as a form of conformity and harmony or control. The third and final section of the literature review provides literature on identity and how it can be understood in the context of an organisation. This literature also shows a connection between organisational culture and identity. The three broad sections of literature are connected to show a research gap which gives rise to critical questions.
The second chapter offers the methodological and epistemological approach of this research. The epistemological approach presents the nature of its reality; it introduces my role as a researcher and my research strategy and also mentions the type of data that has been collected for this research. The methodological perspective section of this chapter conveys the use of a case study approach and narratives to explain the role of organisational culture within the organisation in study. This perspective also explains why the study is context sensitive and what the role of a meta-narrative is in this particular case.
The third chapter introduces Organisation B, the organisation under study. This chapter also unfolds the tools of data collection, in other words, methods used for the research. Towards the conclusion of the chapter limitations of the methods and research issues related with the study are discussed.
The fourth chapter focuses on the key findings of this research. It is from this chapter that I have attempted to introduce the findings and then the discussion in the form of a theatrical play. This data analysis chapter is extensive; therefore it has been divided into two sections: data analysis (stage setting) and data analysis - (the plot). The first part of data analysis (stage setting) introduces the participants of the research as characters sitting upstairs and downstairs. There is also a prologue, which addresses the professional tension within the agency in study. The final part of this section uses two models of culture to explain the cultural model within Organisation B. The second part of the data analysis (the plot) presents the key findings of this research in the form of a meta-narrative and by synthesising earlier analysis.
The fifth, one of the most important chapters of this thesis, is the discussion chapter which connects the theoretical framework with the key findings in this research. The discussion focuses on addressing, first, how we can understand the professional tension through the lens of organisational culture and identity. Secondly, it reveals how in Organisation B culture management techniques have helped the management to suppress resistance and that the culture of Organisation B is designed to suit the needs of an ambitious management. This discussion also provides my contribution to the study of organisational culture as well as two critical findings of this research as aspects of normative and bureaucratic controls operating within Organisation B. The discussion chapter concludes with the implications of the research for organisational studies literature and advertising literature, along with professionals in advertising.
The sixth chapter is the conclusion of this thesis. It provides a synopsis of the key findings along with limitations of this research. This chapter is brought to a close with the presentation ofsuggestionsfor potentional future research.
From the early 1980s researchers and scholars (Peters and Waterman, 1982; Ouchi 1981; Deal and Kennedy, 1988) have been occupied with defining and understanding the role of organisational culture in the success and failure of corporations. Organisational culture was widely regarded by authors (such as mentioned above) as a symbol of consensus and conformity, the glue that binds an organisation. The ideas of managerialism have dominated organisation studies. These views assign managers the exclusive power to control the organisations, define goals and the means to achieve them. In other words, this view suggests that everything can be managed efficiently as long as the 'right techniques' are implemented (Knights and Willmott, 2007). According to this perspective, organisation culture is treated as something an organisation has (Smircich, 1983) and can be manipulated as a variable by managers to provide better results for the organisation. Organisational culture is viewed as shared values, norms and beliefs. It provides commonsense to an organisation's members, which they draw upon when working their way around an organisation's various processes (Brewis, 2007).
Similar to organisational culture, identification is based on shared social processes and meanings, which we use to decipher the world around us and provide meaning to organisational dynamics (Alvesson, 2004; Batteau, 2000; Eisenberg & Riley, 2001; Martin, 1992; Parker, 2000). However, individual identities within an organisation do not always exist in harmony. Individuals remain in constant flux, for example, as an individual we may be a student, wife, daughter or friend, depending on the situation around us. People need to constantly switch roles and identify with different responsibilities and if our personal life is complex, it is hard to imagine how organisations and the individuals working within it maintain conformity. This view of ambiguity and complexity is aptly described as the fragmentation perspective of culture by Martin (1992), where ambiguity and differences in views surrounding the organisation are considered to be its essence, and where no consensus exists. This view does not deny the existence of organisational culture but it perceives it as originating from a myriad of beliefs and assumptions. One way of viewing an organisation is as something consisting of different lights; where for certain issues a few lights come on while others remain off and unaware. Therefore, from an aerial view such an organisation will remain in a constant flux, where lights appear and disappear and where no one pattern is repeated.
Considering this view of organisational culture, I agree with the theorists such as those who propagate the understanding of culture as a contested terrain. There are multiple views and these are in constant tension and ambiguity. However, based on the roles that individuals play in an organisation there can be a formation of subcultures, such as a team leader and their team members, whom will operate according to their own values, or may resemble a kin group with specific rules and obligations for its members. Sometimes such conventions can also work as instruments of power, where those who identify with the positions, such as team managers or heads of family, possess the power and those less powerful, such as team members, are familiar with these distinctions. An example would be from the case study of Casey (1999), where patriarchal and normative controls of family values supercede hierarchical controls. Individuals co-perform (familial) monitoring and regulate behaviour within a unit. It can, therefore, be suggested that teams and similar ideologies tend to conceal power conflicts and display conformity which in turn reinforce the existing power structures (Casey, 1999; Fleming, 2005; Knights & Willmott, 1987; Sewell & Wilkinson, 1992; Sinclair, 1992). However, the existence of power structures does not indicate a total eradication of resistance. Individuals who do not wish to conform to the prevalent structures and values often develop their own means of coping with situations thus enacting a form of resistance which reject management ideologies.
Following the aim of critical management studies I wish to look beyond the functional aspects of organisations and its members. I have infered that conventional studies of culture have regarded organisational culture as a symbol of conformity, thus underplaying the role of power and politics in its construction. The purpose of this research is therefore, to study the dynamics of ongoing professional tension within advertising agencies. To support my views I will present literature which highlights my area of study: issues pertaining to concepts of culture and identity as it relates to advertising professionals.
To do so the literature is divided into three broad sections. The first section looks at professional identities in advertising agencies and the literature here provides the foundation for this research. It exposes the professional tension in advertising agencies and brings forth the diverse views employees of an advertsing agency hold about creativity and work. Towards the conclusion of this section I will propose how organisational studies can help us understand the dynamics within adveristing agencies.
The second section of this literature is a discussion around organisational culture that briefly defines what organisational culture is from a managerial view of culture and where it is treated as a variable to provide organisational success. This section further examines organisational culture as a contested terrain, where culture in an organisation can be defined as "a constraint and as an everyday accomplishment" (Parker, 2000). Here, culture is discussed as an instrument of power, where in order to 'make sense' of their surroundings and situations individuals organise their own thoughts and beliefs, and those who have the power are able to dominate this reality. In other words, individuals who come into an organisation are usually instilled with a certain set of values and beliefs which define the standards and everyday functioning of the particular organisation. However, it is noteworthy that these beliefs and values dominated by those with the power to make decisions and define goals. This section also introduces culture as a form of normative control, where manifestations of culture maybe used to monitor the behaviour of individuals. This research is a critical study into how these concepts manifest within the organisational culture of an advertising agency. Specifically, I focus on the power dynamic between different employees within an industry that is commonly perceived as creative.
The third and final section addresses identity as a social construction by contextualising individual identity formation within the influence of personal and organisational factors. This analysis is aimed at providing literature where organisational identity can also be used to instil values which may help maintain organisational solidarity. Therefore, an organisational identity can outline expected behaviour which can be used to scrutinize employees and work as an instrument of power. The literature here will show a relationship between identity and organisational culture and how identity is used by members ofan organisation to make sense of ambiguous situations.
The three sections of literature provide a foundation of organisation studies which assists my study of the professional tension within advertising agencies to be recognised and documented in advertising literature. The two concepts from organisation studies act as lenses to observe the existing dynamics within one advertising agency based in Aotearoa New Zealand. In conclusion I present two guiding questions which will assist in the understanding of professional identities in a creative industry, such as advertising. The questions ask, first, whether the ongoing professional tension within advertising agencies be studied through the lens of organizational culture and identity. Second, if this professional does exist within the agency then how might the management handle it?
The introduction of this chapter discusses the literature of advertising research. This literature is built on a discussion around professional tension existing in advertising agencies. The literature suggests that there are largely two types of professionals who are involved in the process of making an advert. Their categorisation and identity lies in the type of work they carry out. Advertising literature strongly supports the two sides of work within an agency (Koslow, Sasser and Riordan, 2003). Here, one group of people possesses more project management skills with their goals directed towards sales and marketing (Kover, 1996). Conversely, another group of individuals are involved in the artistic and idea development processes behind advertisements (Kover et al., 1995). The literature suggests that a combination of the two - a creative person involved in project management and an accountant involved in creativity - is not possible. In this thesis the two sides are delineated as the 'creative' and 'management' or'managers' respectively.
This section develops an indepth discussion around those who are defined as 'creative' and those, such as management, who are less creative, but are still involved in the management of the ideas produced. The literature on advertising suggests a strong dichotomy between creative and non-creative, and it is also the role of this literature, along with this research to challenge this concept. The following discussion also addresses the ongoing tension between 'creative' and 'management' in relation to the debate between creativity and effectiveness. The section concludes with a summary and leads into the following section that considers how this existing professional tension might be studied.
Florida (2002) views the creative class as one with an independent mind, who are devoted to art and creativity as a liberating outlet from bureaucratic control, such as a boss or superior. According to Florida (2002), these creative peoples' values are embedded in individuality, meritocracy, diversity and openness. Individuality is described as nonconformity to organisational directives and norms. These individuals attempt to create an identity that reflects their creativity and poetic endeavours. It is the construction of this identity that is the subject of this discussion. A creative identity is so valued by creative professionals yet is a 'problem' for those who then manage this creativity. Hackley (2000) has elaborated this point in his discussion of the tacit means used by management to suppress conflict and reach agreements that legitimises the corporate. He asserts that a common source of instability in an advertising agency is the tension between creativity and corporate instrumentality. However, this has been effectively managed by implicit means of control, and the emphasis on the importance of managing and sales-strategy skills in daily communication, thereby overruling the importance of being a 'creative' and not involved in strategy development. Amabile (2001) however takes a different position, acknowledging that managers cannot ignore business imperatives and while working towards these goals unintentionally design organisations that stifle creativity.
Creative identity complements the definition of creativity which is the ability to transcend traditional ideas, rules, patterns and relationships to create meaningful new ideas and interpretations (Anonymous, 2008). In Hartley's (2005) opinion workers in creative professions, such as a designer, writer or a producer, identify more with their skills rather than the industry as a whole. The working environment is just one component which can strongly influence this creativity. Components such as expertise, creative thinking skills, motivation, freedom and diversity of thought can also lead to creativity where individuals will be able to develop novel ideas to solve problems. This motivation is intrinsic, driven by an internal passion that allows the individual to provide far better creative solutions than through external incentives such as money (Amabile, 2001; Katz, 2003). Katz (2003), while exploring the various myths attached to creativity, suggests that it is not a solitary act, but rather a collaboration of various people with complementary skills. Nevertheless, such organisational imperatives, such as budgeting or increasing sales, may create difficulty for creative professionals to develop and maintain their creative identity in a commercial reality that is governed by effective matching and a strategic fit. It is also difficult for managers to attribute the creative outcomes to one body, as creative campaigns are influenced by various embodiments of power, such as the account managers, clients, industrial regulators and media owners (Hackley & Kover, 2007). It is under such pressures of accountability and measurement that creative professionals experience a mounting pressure to act and talk in professional language, the very definition of which contradicts what their 'creative' identity (self) stands for (Steel, 2007). Speaking of identity, Mead (1934), Berger and Luckmann (1966) all suggested that the definition of self is always socially constructed. Similarly, recent work of Wijk and Leisink (2004) point out that creative professionals who work in organisations such as advertising or graphic designing may exist within two realities that construct their identities.
First is the 'unprofessional' identity, a liberal and artistic side of work which is aesthetic and driven by a much deeper purpose. This characteristic corresponds to a workforce which prefers to be principally casual or freelance, thereby working with a number of employers and companies (Mc Robbie, 2006; Wijk & Leisink, 2004). Kaslow, Sasser and Riordan (2003) believe that creative professionals' notions of appropriateness or originality of an advertisement are connected to their own aesthetic tastes. These authors also emphasise that there are strong differences in subjective perceptions within advertising agencies and roles influence these perceptions. The alternative side to this is the bureaucratic/scientific approach that characterises good management practice. This perception is largely governed by a research environment and the development of a customised solution which must 'formalize, solidify, ratify and crystallize how people respond to the advertising' (Kover, 1996).
The latter has become an important issue for the creative professionals. In El- Murad and West's view, account managers or client service agents see advertising as a means to achieve a specific objective and action (2004). Kaslow et.al (2003) affirm that creative executives do not appreciate the strategic boundaries imposed upon their work. In current management practices, where everything is meant to be done in a logical fashion, Steel (2007) believes there is not much space for imagination to run free hence people are "becoming less interesting, less intelligent, less persuasive and less creative" (pg: 13).
Management practices tend to follow scientific approaches that encourage agencies to read, research, think and analyse. Organisation of thought is considered the only path to having a creative idea (Owen, 2007). Hackley (2000), while addressing the nature of work in advertising agencies, suggests that the corporate understanding of the world, where rational, strategic goals take precedence over the aesthetic and instinctual response to advertising is dominant, is also supported by the statistics provided by 'judging creative ideas' where only 13% of agencies supported radical work and none of the clients wanted anything to do with radical ideas (Smith, 2006). Kaslow et. al. (2003) suggest that occasionally account executives, due to their close contact with clients, suffer frustration with the advertisement when it is far from the strategic direction provided by the client, thereby tending to stereotype creatives as having inappropriate notions of work and advertising. This difference, which also stereotypes the roles played in an agency, can also reflect the pressure and influence key players in the agencies can have upon development of great ideas. Kover and Goldberg (1995) discuss in their study, the 'games' that copywriters in advertising agencies play in order to control their creative work. The authors suggest that these professionals consider their work almost an extension of them and hold notions of parenthood towards it. Therefore, when their work is controlled or manipulated by anyone, such as account managers or executives, creative professionals develop a feeling of resistance and contempt. The creative professionals feel that the formalised and bureaucratic pressure hinders their creative pursuits and therefore, they view themselves different from the mangerial professionals and perceive the agency stifles their efficiency and creative ideas. Creative individuals view themselves as transcending the organisational bureaucracy and seek approval from artists and creative professionals outside their firm, rather than from the clients and consumers of their creativity (Hackley & Kover, 2007).
Such a response to the pressures of identity is explained by Leonard (1984) as an outlet which results in resistance. According to Leonard, individuals with an intention to overcome their alienating working conditions turn to activities that are of benefit for them rather than the organisation. These activities may be an attempt to improve their working conditions and an identity-enhancing use of their time. This may be relevant to advertising as 'creative' individuals may intend to build an identity which supports their rebellion against symbolic areas of corporate conformity (such as clothing) (Hackley and Kover, 2007). This resistance and rebellion may also be one of the many reasons behind advertising agencies falling below average on the 'challenging work scale', which is one of key elements which influence organisational creativity (T. M. Amabile, Conti, Coon, Lazenby, & Herron, 1996), according to a study by (Ensor, Pirrie, & Band, 2006). Wijk and Leisink (2004) believe that creative professionals are honest and open about the instrumentality of their job and that they view it as holding lower value than their own, original 'private' writing. To show this, the authors provide an account of freelance graphic designers, who seem to affirm the concept of multiplicity of identity as creative professionals in today's work context. The authors suggest a conflict between the identity of a graphic designer with a need for creative freedom against an identity as an employee within organisational structures. Depending on those structure's constraints and opportunities the professionals adapt various identities. However amidst all the ambiguities that come with this, professionals intend to choose freelancing over any other work choice, as it allows what they believe to be 'creative freedom'. Creative professionals also seem to place a deeper meaning and attachment to personal work which gives them approval from peers who share the same values. Peer regard is not only beneficial for identity formation but it serves as a strong indicator of what is successful creative work, and what the responses are to the constant changes in style of advertising or designing (Pratt, 2006).
This preceding discussion suggests that 'creative' professionals may at times choose to rebel against existing conditions as an expression of their individuality or as their search for an ideal creative self. Therefore it becomes crucial to think and ask whose interests are actually being marginalised? Are the creative professionals making a divide in order to further foster their identity construction and development? Or is this resistance and rebellion towards symbolic areas of organisational structures and controls their way of seeking approval from those whose opinion they so value (such as peer approval)? Perhaps, this struggle is an outcome of their objection to being turned into information processing systems by corporate conformity. In turn, the creative professional may just be seeking downtime, which is actually free from organisational constraints and where their ideas would emerge intuitively rather than being processed via a rational scientific approach.
To provide further understanding of the debate between creativity and effectiveness, Hackley (2003) has attempted to provide an explanation based on the epistemological models/ understanding of team members in advertising agencies. The author believes that the way team members (account managers, account planners and creatives) perceive the consumers is based on their own world view. Account managers focus on effectiveness as they understand the world as rational where consumers respond to stimuli. Whereas, the creative professionals view the consumer as a being who engages with the advertising and makes sense according to his or her beliefs and senses. These different understandings between the 'creatives' and 'management' gives a different outlook in which to view the existing tension between the two groups. With the help of these perpectives we can at least attempt to unfold and expose one of the many aspects, that influence the tension between those who create and those who manage creativity.
This contest between the value of creativity over effectiveness and vice versa has been ongoing and is something discussed largely in research. The literature studied here does reflect this constant tensions and conflicts within the ownership of a creative piece and the processes by which this is achieved. Kover and Goldberg (1995) point out that 'advertising is a business known for stress and tension. Much of this tension derives from both the uncertainty of producing advertising and its approval' (pg: 52).
Nevertheless, some advertising literature has also acknowledged the need for planning within creative agencies. Thus within the realms of this tension one cannot ignore the importance of strategic planning and working within the organisation's structures. West and Ford's (2001) writing on risk taking and clear organisational philosophies within US based advertising agencies conclude that agencies with strong identities and employees who are aware of constraints and limitations tend to take more risks compared to those agencies without such identities. This risk taking attitude is considered beneficial for bold and creative advertising, and often creative directors and writers are hired for their abilities to define and negotiate risk. Koslow et al. (2003) in using the advances in creativity theory as a means to investigate different perceptions that effect strategies, originality and artistry, found that creative professionals associate originality within strict boundaries as something highly creative. Hackley and Kover (2007) see the role of organisational structure in the professional life of creatives as positive for it provides security and money. Nonetheless they emphasise that creatives need psychological 'space' to create and therefore will tend to resist any agency's structures and strictures.
Hackley (2000) suggests that in the duality between 'advertising is art' versus 'advertising is business', the latter discourse, which in this context are current management practices in advertising agencies, seems to dominate. Account managers control the activities of the agency and their approach is the strategic essence of advertising, where coming up with the best idea is the most important factor and one that requires research and a thorough action plan. Nevertheless, it cannot be assumed that agencies can rely solely on creativity or that the only way to survive in a creative industry is to develop rigorous and robust strategies to support creative ideas. The dominant discourse may indicate that power lies with the planning managers, yet it does not show creativity as suffering from this. In fact, as suggested by the discussion above it is this power conflict and friction between the interests of the 'creative' and the 'management' that leads to great advertising. Kaslow et al. (2003) studies further supports this by indicating that it is a combination of originality and strategy that provide great breakthroughs in creativity. Therefore it will be foolish to place the responsibility for creative advertising on either side of the industry, for in reality the conflicting interests between effectiveness and creativity are mutually dependent (El- Murad & West, 2004).
In conclusion I would like to acknowledge the existence of tension between creatives and managers/executives and in turn this can result in both positive and negative outcomes. So the key question now is can organisational studies literature help us understand this tension? To answer this, the following section looks into one of the most influential and fundamental aspects of organisational studies - culture. In doing so I aim to explain some of the underlying assumptions and implications behind the existing tension within advertising agencies.
Organisational culture has been a topic of discussion among many academics, researchers and management consultants for over twenty years. During this time, researchers have grappled with issues and various perspectives surrounding organisational culture. Defining what culture is has kept scholars occupied interpreting whether it is a source of harmony or if it is conflicting and inconsistent. Some critics have labelled studies of organisational culture to be a dead end, dominated by managerialism and not offering anything new (Martin, 1992b). However, before I get into the debate of whether organisational culture has anything new to offer or is it just a remedy to organisational problems; I will provide a discussion on what organisational culture is and some definitions of how theorists view this subject. In the concluding portion of this section I will relate the relevance of organisational culture to an understanding ofthe ongoing professional tension in advertising agencies.
The study of organisational culture has been going on for sometime and theorists still debate what exactly organisational culture embraces and how it operates in providing effectiveness. It is not just the academics grappling with this problem; practitioners also acknowledge the role of culture in their organisational processes, though remain ucertain about the exact role of culture. Riad (2005) quotes one of the merger-change managers "everyone knows that culture does something, somewhere, somehow..." (pp. 1531).
In the 1980s, studies of organisational culture were undertaken by researchers in an attempt to provide a solution to American managers strive to equal the economic boom of Japanese industries (Meek, 1988). Alongside this and the expansion of the service industry, several other reasons triggered off a myriad of work looking into organisational culture. Expansion of the service industry meant workers were demanding more autonomy as they became increasingly educated and skilled. Due to these changes, some organisations gave up various forms of traditional authoritarian controls and developed means by which the new workforce could be given more freedom. In doing so, they took on values which complemented and served the purposes for organisational productivity. Such values would work alongside system techniques such as 'Just - in -time' and 'Total Quality Management' as well as involving a highly committed workforce (Brewis, 2007). Following these developments, theorists provided studies that circulated the concepts of organisational culture, such as work of Ouchi, 1981, Peters and Waterman, 1982, Deal and Kennedy 1988. These studies suggested a managerial definition of developing organisational culture, as an organisation which has a culture that can be manipulated (Anthony, 1994). This kind of culture lay below the surface of the formal systems of an organisation and could support the managerial strategies in leading the organisation towards success (Smircich, 1983).
Several studies supported the idea that organisational culture had a unifying nature and was something that managers could shape and modify. Culture was considered to be created by the management who then instilled certain beliefs and values to ensure members behaved in an 'appropriate' manner. Studies of this type worked within the realms of a functional or mechanistic framework, where the organisation exists and responds to its environment. Thus, culture is viewed as a variable that can be manipulated by managers for predictable results (Smircich, 1983; Brewis, 2007).
Anthony (1994) comments on the managerial perspective of organisational culture as a substitution of commitment for systems that are now deemed to be expensive, ineffective and outmoded, such as the JIT and TQM techniques. According to this perspective organisational culture can be deliberately shaped and maintained. This standpoint shows organisation as a social unit directed towards achieving goals and it is characterised by formal roles that define and shape the behaviour of its members (Robbins, 2003, emphasis added).
Based on this mainstream view, the following literature explains the role of organisational culture as something that an organisation has. Clark (1972) considers an organisational saga as a collection of values with a strong purpose that gives its members an identity and a source of pride. This ideology reflects extreme loyalty and 'give (s) the organisation a competitive edge The genesis and persistence of loyalty is a key organisational and analytical problem' (pp. 183). Ouchi and Jaeger (1978) in presenting their organisational ideal theory Z, attempt to provide an American solution; 'which allows individual freedom while using the work organisation to support and encourage the stability associational ties' (pp. 312). This theory places emphasises on the affiliation of the individual with his or her organisation and the authors claim that 'people employed in a Type Z organisation should be better able to deal with stress and should be happier than the population at large" (pg :312, emphasis is added). Writing on the causal relationship between organisational culture and effectiveness Kilmann, Saxton and Serpa (1985) discussed three impacts of organisational culture; - direction, pervasiveness and strength. These three interrelated aspects were treated as causes of various organisational performances. For instance, through direction, 'culture is causing the organisation to follow' (pp.4); pervasiveness 'is the degree to which the culture is widespread, or shared, among the members of the group' (pp. 4) and the strength of the cultural impact 'is the level of pressure that a culture exerts on members in the organisation, regardless of the direction' (pp.4). Schein (1985) suggests a similar causal relationship of culture and notes that it is the 'embodiment of solutions to a wide range of problems' (pg: 20). Schein goes on to argue that strong cultures are more heavily linked to organisational effectiveness than weak cultures and a strong culture can be deliberately created. Sapienza (1985) illustrates the role of managers in not only shaping but being shaped by the organisational culture. Her study exemplifies the position of organisational culture as a set of shared beliefs that can determine the world view of managers while being a 'powerful shaper of organisational strategy' (pg: 68).
Meek (1988) provides a critique of the book Gaining Control of the Corporate Culture by claiming that the theories offered by authors rests on the foundation that shared values and beliefs create an organisation-wide consensus and predict behaviour. This claim is in line with my understanding of the conventional perspective of organisation culture. Here, culture is treated as a variable, one that encourages positive and 'right' behaviour and enhances organisational performance. Not only does culture bring about self esteem, pride and identity its to members it also seems to suggest that strong cultures can lead to increased effectiveness. Denison and Mishra (1995) claim that their study found organisational culture measurable and related to important organisational outcomes. Therefore drawing from the literature used in my reasearch, it can be assumed that a culture that encourages all to relate and associate strongly with organisational goals must also create a divide between those who are in and those who are outside of the culture. It is here that underlying conflicts within culture's meaning comes into play. The mainstream literature, which largely focuses on providing one best solution to organisational effectiveness, fails to cover aspects that represent distinctive understandings of culture and may not be so pervsuasive after all. There has been an attempt by theorists (see Barley, 1986, Young, 1991) to propose an existence of subcultures, which are considered to be 'islands of clarity in the sea of ambiguity'(Martin, 2002) (pg: 94). These subcultures may conflict with other existing subcultures in the organisation; however these theories also recognise their similarities and unities. These differentiation perspective theories, embody the works of Van Maanen 1991, Barley 1986, Mumby 1987, 1988, Trice and Beyer, 1993, some recognise the existence of subcultures at lower levels of the organisation, while others acknowledge an assortment of cultures and stress the opposition by workers towards the management that they introduce and bring attention to the power issues and potential conflicts (Martin, 1992a). Therefore it also portrays culture's potent ability to be used as control, since it is through culture that we make sense of what our world is (Anthony, 1994).
It is this relationship of dominance and conflict that creates ambiguity in terms of culture in an organisation; it is this indefinite organisational culture which Martin (1992b) is refering to in the fragmentation view of culture. Such a culture results in subcultures having different meanings attached to them, signifying that a group may not have one uniform meaning attached to it. Indeed, there is a contestation of meaning, where individuals and groups may struggle to define the purpose of the organisation to coincide with their different understandings (Parker, 2000). Therefore such an organisation will represent its culture as something that it is. That is to say, an organisation's culture signifies the organisation as an expressive form, which speaks of its underlying values, norms and beliefs. Anthony (1994) likes to refer to this view as the anthropological definition of culture, where culture is embedded in the organisation's history and its structural relationships. Culture may also emerge organically in an organisation as its members attempt to cope with situations or display forms of resistance (Collinson, 1998; Ackroyd and Crowdy, 1990; Fleming and Sewell, 2002; Corley, 2004). It is from this view that organisational culture is turned into a study of social phenomenon, and a metaphor (Smircich, 1983) where the understanding of culture goes beyond its functional perspective to become a manifestation of symbols, plural meanings, power and knowledge. This research will focus on such a viewpoint, paying close attention to its expressive and symbolic aspects. My broad research agenda will focus on the individuals' experience of this organisational phenomenon, where local beliefs, values and meanings are embedded in the larger social, economical and historical context of the organisation. This context not only shapes the culture but also affects individuals' thoughts and actions to benefit the particular dominant groups within the organisation (Knights and Willmott, 1987; Parker, 2000; Alvesson, 2004). Literature on organisational culture, particularly mainstream studies, suggests that organisational culture is the glue that binds all in a network of shared meanings and beliefs. What this literature ignores is that culture may also be an environment where there is organisational tension and politics. It can be an environment where culture management programs influence both the work and non work boundaries of employees. Recruitment, reward and training programs attempt to foster conformity, consensus and corporate values, while reducing boundaries between work and non work situations. Ross (2003) suggests in his study of media companies that these supposedly humane organisations provided no downtime to employees. Due to the instilled work values employees even agreed to work 70 hours a week, as if they are on a continuous 'high' of working. The employees take such things on as they consider the organisation their first home and their work as defining who they are. Thus it can be concluded that these values normatively control and align employees work behaviour towards maximum productivity and that the corporate values seep into life beyond work (Fleming and Spicer, 2004; Fleming, 2005).
The issue of controlling behaviour brings me to a key aspect of this research - the use of organisational culture as a form of normative control. Organisations cannot operate without controls, and control seems to be the central feature of many organisational functions as well as studies (Delbridge and Ezzamel, 2005). Earlier writings on organisational control focussed on output controls and examples of this include the work of Frederick Taylor, who designed efficient ways of controlling production. In this he took the control found on assembly lines and moderated to apply it to bureaucratic control associated with formal rules, hierarchies and career structures in organisations that required more discretion and autonomy. So in order to control their workforce managers had two choices, either the technical control of the assembly lines or the bureaucratic controls that involved employee vigilance.
The observations of Ouchi (1980) draw attention to values, beliefs and traditions and their potential use as control strategies. This view initiated a shift in conceptualisation of control from purely technical and formal to social characteristics. This led to an abundance of work on organisational culture. It introduced control in the form of a culture which targeted the values and beliefs of employees in an attempt to achieve desired organisational outcomes. Here control was not overt, it was internalised by employees as a set of values that complied with their beliefs about the organisation.
In present-day research Robertson and Swan (2003) have discussed this as normative control in knowledge intensive firms (KIF). These firms are the new face of organisations in modern times, instead of assembly lines, people in organisations today work with ideas and provide services that cannot be imitated by machines. Therefore it has become critical for organisations to maintain normative and softer control, such as culture, rather than ones built around structure and hierarchy, which represent little autonomy and discretion. The authors here suggest that normative control in KFI's offers the best chance for management to maintain an expert workforce and resolve issues of control. Normative controls serve to self discipline and integrate employees through the development of a strong culture. However, a strong culture tends to produce homogeneous and consensual values which override the capacity of individuals to reflect critically on values or even choose alternative value systems (Wilmott, 1993).
Through behavioural compliance to coercion, reward and constraint a strong culture is created which comes to reflect the values and beliefs of the organisation (Anthony, 1994). Such a culture is easily transmitted to new members of the organisation who adhere to their (management) control by alleging loyalties and commitments that are derived through the mechanisms of culture. This notion of strong cultural transmission is highly debated in critical organisation studies. Studies by Barker, 1993; Robertson and Swan, 2003; Alvesson and Robertson, 2006 illustrate how a strong culture that emphasises high identification with teams and with the organisation as a whole can serve as surveillance and disciplining mechanism for employees therefore leading themselves towards subjugation. As aptly stressed by Knights and Willmott (1987) "those who are relatively powerless have internalised the normative structures that sustain their subordination" (pg: 47). In broad terms, critique of the conventional view that originates from critical studies of culture suggests that culture is either used by those in power to brainwash or persuade employees to follow desired organisational values. Second, that management assumes that culture management and control is unproblematicand uncomplicated.
As discussed at the start of the debate around organisational culture, the answer to all 'problems' seems to lie in the development of 'strong cultures' where high levels of commitment can lead to organisational success. Such commitment is targeted and manipulated by management. The authors of conventional perspectives suggest that culture serves as an integration process, where conflict can be eradicated if each individual develops similar work practices and identifies with the organisational goals. These perspectives 'exclude or channel ambiguity from the domain that is labelled culture, in effect excluding from analysis all that which cannot be explained' (Martin, 1992b pg: 140).
In my view, this sense of a strong culture leading to positive outcomes is a little presumptuous. The example of strong cultures leading to a disastrous outcome is observed in the case of the New Zealand Police. Due to the many complaints and cases filed against members or associates of the New Zealand Police, an investigation into the police attitudes was carried out. This report considered the attitude or "culture" of the New Zealand Police organisation and found one intrinsic attitude of police culture was the encouragement and development of a strong masculine culture. Employees having a strong bond with colleagues led to a negative impact on the standards of conduct within the Police in areas such as no 'whistle-blowing', ignoring inappropriate behaviour and attitudes towards alcohol (Bazley, 2007).
It is my belief that if we agree with the conservative view of culture as a set of embedded shared values and beliefs among employees, which in turn provides a strong sense of identity, we then accept subordination and the alleged 'easy control' that comes along with development of this culture. Therefore there is a need to challenge this simplistic and supposedly positive view of culture in which management is able to exercise control and transmit their values easily through validated assumptions. This engineering of culture is encouraged by the management and caters to their belief that organisational culture can be managed and designer employees are a possibility (Casey, 1999; Parker, 2000).
This discussion around the use of culture as a form of control brings me to address how this organisational phenomenon will help me study the dynamics within advertising agencies. From the literature discussion I have come to see culture as being viewed under two perspectives. First from a managerial perspective and second through an anthropological perspective which recognises power and politics as part of culture. During my study I attempted to apply the concepts of organisational culture upon an understanding of how culture may or may not be used to control professional tension in advertising agencies. The two perspectives of culture helped me understand whether the tension between 'management' and 'creatives' was effectively managed by organisation-wide consensus or whether there room for members to develop and maintain subcultures? Lastly, I attempted to study whether an organisational culture influences the creativity ofan advertising agency.
Organisational culture and organisational identity are closely related. Organisational culture as a concept was introduced in the late 1970s when there was a general decline in religious beliefs and individuals searched for a purpose or a meaning in their work scenario. Identity at work is formed as a response to the alienation caused when a worker does not derive any meaning from their work, and it seems to be 'a means to an end, that are external to work' (Brewis, 2007pg: 344).
If organisational culture is understood as a reflection of 'how things are done around here', then our identity is usually an interpretation of what we do, and how others outside perceive / understand what we do. Mead (1934) suggested that the definition of self is always socially constructed where the sense of self is mirrored through what others around us perceive us to be. Further definitions and a clearer understanding of identity as a social construction were provided through the work of Goffman (1971) and Gergen (1985). Batteau (2000) speaks of organisational culture as a long negotiation and he believes that there can be no single definition of culture, and that its meaning is open for reinterpretation. It is this nature of culture which produces choices and alternatives for the articulation of meaning and gives rise to the construction of identity. Shared historical events and experiences are also a source of social cohesion that helps us make sense of our organisational or social existence.
An individual's identity involves two notions. One where self- esteem and self concept plays a role in our identity formation. The second is the sociological notion, which includes reference groups and the roles that individuals are assigned to (Thompson and McHugh, 2002). Personal identity reflects our beliefs, experiences and images that we have identified as those that best describe us. In turn social identity defines our negotiation with social scenarios, where we can strike comparisons and adjust our behaviour according to the demands of our social structure. This process of negotiation between the individual and their social structure reflects the impact that the society at large can have on identity formation. Organisations which are also a part of this social structure will therefore play a critical role in influencing how an employee forms their identity. Gioia (1998) interestingly emphasised the features of individual identity and extended them to notions of organisational identity. Processes such as socialisation in an organisation, motivation and psychological conflicts can then be best explained through employee's identity formation. Our interaction with the external world imposes labels on us to which we react, renegotiate or resist (Hackley and Kover, 2007). It is this construction of an identity, situated within the larger social and economical context that has become a growing area of study amongst theorists and management scholars.
This organic construction of identity develops over a period of time in organisations and reflects how organisational identity is a production of the everyday negotiation between working conditions and those who work. Pratt (1998) suggests that organisational identity comes about when 'one comes to integrate beliefs about one's organisation into one's identity' (pg: 172). He believes that in the act of identification, the individual either affiliates with an organisation, where they share similar values as the organisation or they attempt to change the concept of themselves that it becomes similar to the organisational values. For example, if I wish to be like my boss then I will try to incorporate his/her values and beliefs into my identity.
Since identity is largely governed by the beliefs that we either associate with or differ from, it can be understood as one's need to classify oneself or belong to a group with similar characteristics. Yet, the individual wishes to distinguish oneself from others. Maintaining this balance has come to be a challenging task for individuals, leading to ambiguity in actually defining identity (Gioia, 1998). However, it is believed that this ambiguity provides space for the individuals to adapt and change to social opinions and beliefs (Weick, 1995; Gioia, 1998). A study by Alvesson and Robertson (2006) supported the role of identity formation in highly ambiguous work contexts. In their research on consulting companies; they found that in an ambiguous environment individuals could draw on a multitude of resources to invent their own version of an 'elite' identity. This social elite identity allowed the members to generate self control and discipline which matched the interest of the firm and promoted the development of a secure identity that allowed them to work in a challenging and ambiguous work context. This identity also helped intensify the commitment to live up to the high standards of the organisational life and involved long working days to maintain the identity. However, these social values drawn upon were congruent with the type of people recruited by the firm, therefore simplifying "the self-categorisation process" (pg: 218). It is understood that perpetuating this form of superior identity regulates the discipline and behaviour of individuals, coaxing them into working hard just to maintain their sense of self. It also assists in integrating and intensifying the meaning of organisational life and selfhood (Courpasson, 2000; Kärreman and Alvesson, 2004; Alvesson and Robertson, 2006).
Since it is a social product and comes about through social comparison, then identity can thus be understood within the context it is formed. Individuals may then develop their identities as a coping mechanism to organisational impediments and use it to resist inequalities or exploitation at work (Collinson, 1988; Ackroyd and Crowdy, 1990; Alvesson, 1998). Therefore, the construction and maintainence of identity can be understood within the organisational context as a means for individuals to feel secure and protect themselves from the uncertainties of organisational life.
A Foucauldian perspective of power and discipline can cast a different light on understanding identity formation as a result of insecurities. Foucault (1979) studied the effect of the panopticon to help understand prisoners' reactions to being watched or placed under surveillance all the time. This condition can be used to understand modern day organisations where individuals are self disciplining and direct control of supervisors and management is internalised (Sewell and Wilkinson, 1992). This form of control is stronger and less liberating than previously assumed by mainstream theorists in their attempt to justify the development of a strong culture and identity. Team work and team identity provide a strong sense of meaning to team members undertaking tasks at an organisation, however, maintaining team standards and identity can be intensified to an extent where those governing maintain continuous surveillance over the actions of their members and themselves (Casey, 1999). Teammate identity is further fostered by the enforcement of team values and norms through which individuals rationalise their actions and scrutinise those of others in order to maintain the solidarity of their team identity (Sinclair, 1992). This formation of identity is further illustrated in Barker's (1993) study of team work, where he introduces the idea of a concertive control operating within teams. The employees develop their own means of control by every day constructing what they stand for and who they are. The members of the team become a slave to their own identity construction, having to then maintain this identity or face expulsion. Though our identity is understood through our participation in social activities and can be constantly changed due to the social situations we may find ourselves in, there is also a sense of continuity in individuals and it is this which can give way to resistance and make individuals anxious and insecure. There is a sense of true self within each of us, as humans we strive towards bettering ourselves and interact with circumstances in relation to a sense of 'what we really are', and 'what we want to be'. Yet, if inconsistencies arise in this narrative then we develop insecurities which may further lead to resistance and conflict (Ezzamel and Willmott, 1998).
One such dilemma professionals in advertising agencies seem to encounter is in the debate between those who are the 'creative' minds behind the work produced and those who manage this creative process. The preceding literature on identity construction and its dilemmas brings me to view the tension between advertising professionals as a form of continuous political contest. Identity formation is embedded in organisational culture as culture provides the social scenarios in which individuals negotiate and contest what their beliefs are and how they identify with the organisation. Identity provides a strong sense of self and sometimes works to benefit the employers by maintaining a certain meaning of identity among employees thereby channelling them towards higher commitments. Therefore, this study endeavours to investigate this connection between identity and its use as a mechanism of control in an advertising agency. Further, since identity is based within a social context my research will attempt to analyse the culture of an advertising agency to see whether identity may or may not serve as a way of displaying resistance and renegotiation.
In summary, this section has provided an overview of a wide range of literature on organisational culture while connecting it to identity construction and the role of identity within the context of creative industries. Researchers in the field of organisation studies have suggested that an individual's identity is a socially constructed. Similar to organisational culture, identification is based on shared social processes and meanings, which we use to decipher the world around us and provide meaning to organisational dynamics. Since identity and organisational culture are closely related, some researchers claim that organisational culture could be involved in
1 Is a key step in winning a client account, here several agencies are invited to respond in person to the advertisers brief. This is an important stage to demonstrate potential and add value to the product or client. Based on aesthetic values the client then makes a judgement to pass the responsibility to develop an advertisement for the product.
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